The words of Dr. Cabrera


A visit with Dr. Cabrera


(this material is an excerpt from the book "The Message of the Stones", by Dr. Javier Cabrera)



    Despite the fact that contemporary experimental neurosurgery has not been able to design an infallible technique that can be used in transplanting the brain of human beings, moral questions still exist that must be addressed if this type of surgery is to be contemplated. It is feared that egotism to preserve life or power might lead some men to attempt to perpetuate themselves by means of this transplant of their brain into a young body. This is why contemporary scientists indicate the limits of the use of this transplant: they affirm that it would only be justified in saving lives. It is understood that the brain would be transplanted in the body of a man who maintained normal bodily functions but whose brain had deteriorated to a level where it could not be recuperated. It is also understood that the brain to be transplanted would be in perfect conditions and would come from a person whose body suffered from mortal illness or accident. According to the information contained in many gliptoliths I can confirm that the transplant of the cerebral hemispheres was one of the recourses to which the gliptolithic humanity turned to reach the goals of its existence: to develop its reflexive capacity (cognitive energy) to increase and conserve knowledge. The object was to conserve in the body of a young individual the formidable amount of knowledge contained in the brain of an elderly person. By extracting the cerebral hemispheres of a young man, all those other parts of the brain that control the organic and glandular functioning remained. The cerebral hemispheres that contained this enormous amount of knowledge, on being transplanted, continued functioning, but now commanded by the functions of the young manís body. I deduce that in this way the cells of the two hemispheres were rejuvenated and thus the organism was able to recuperate its cellular harmony.

    It would not be surprising that those men that enjoyed extraordinary longevity of whom the traditions that come out of a distant past speak were simply the result of this technique employed by the gliptolithic humanity. This would explain the cases in which, according to legend, the same man appeared before other people with different physical appearance. And the references in legends to men that were able to change themselves into monsters, beasts, tree, mountains and different objects would be nothing but an exaggeration of this change in physical appearance, made up by generations whose imagination was stimulated by the distant past when the gliptolithic humanity existed. It is to be supposed that the use of a series of young bodies to conserve the knowledge locked into the cerebral hemispheres continued in a chain that was only broken by the fortuitous death of the individual whose brain was transplanted. As concerns the use to which the extracted cerebral hemispheres of the young subject whose body is used, the gliptoliths do not offer very clear information. Based on information from another series of gliptoliths that represent the transplant not of cerebral hemispheres but rather of the knowledge itself (cognitive keys), it seems possible that the cognitive keys of the hemispheres of this young man could have been transplanted into an individual of lower cognitive ranking. As concerns the fate of the body of the old individual I only know what is observed in one of the gliptoliths that I have just described: it is maintained alive artificially.

In contemporary culture, the transplant of the body would cause certain problems of a familiar and social nature. A man with a brain transplant would be the same man only from a physical point of view. From this point of view, his family and his social group would expect him to think and act as he did before. But in truth he would be thinking and acting according to the new brain, that is with the other personality, that is now the only one he has. This would create a rupture in his life relationships. In the gliptolithic humanity, after a transplant of the cerebral hemispheres, there occurred no such rupture, simply because the family as it is now known did not exist, and social levels were determined by cognitive rank. The men of the gliptolithic humanity were oriented towards intellectual activity. Man achieved his highest goals through the insatiable desire to develop his capacity for reflection (cognitive energy) to increase his knowledge. This desire permitted him to permanently achieve spiritual well being. In his relations with the opposite sex, the sexual appetite was the result of the need to procreate, and the son was integrated as a member into society. This was the family. Aside from her sex, a woman was seen no differently from a man. She had the same rights and liberties and, as a member of the gliptolithic society, her existence was oriented towards the same goals as that of the man. That the difference in sex did not imply differences in liberties and rights I deduce from the fact that in the figures of the men as well as the women the sexual organs are not drawn in.


The first heart transplant in contemporary society was performed by the famous heart surgeon Christian Barnard in 1967. Since then this type of heart transplant has been performed in many medical centers all over the world. But the problem continues to be the rejection of the transplanted heart. Aside from the recent case of the transplant of a complete heart next to another heart, performed also by Christian Barnard, the so called heart transplants that are performed are not of the whole organ. Only the ventricles and the front face of the auricles are transplanted, so that the receiver of the transplant still retains part of his own heart and the main blood vessels and arteries that correspond to it. The problem of the rejection of the heart has never permitted the individual to live more than two years.

Gliptolithic surgery performed transplants of the entire heart solving the problem of rejection, as has been mentioned, by using blood transfusions from a pregnant woman to the individual who was to receive the organ and at the same tine irrigating the heart to be transplanted with the blood of the same woman. It is noteworthy that in all the organ transplants represented in the gliptoliths there is not one reference to the methods employed to unite severed blood vessels. It is well known that a fundamental part of contemporary surgical technique for the transplanting of organs is the skill with which blood vessels are united. It is possible that gliptolithic surgery united the vessels by means of reabsorbable tubes, one of the methods used by contemporary surgery. That is to say: each extreme of the tube is inserted in the orifices of the severed vessel; thus the tube acted as an internal bridge that allowed the two extremes of the vessel to be united. After a certain amount of time, undoubtedly specified, the vessel would be united through the regeneration of the cells, and the tube would be diluted into the blood stream. It is also noteworthy that the complicated system of electrical apparati was not limited to controlling the biological functions of the patient - as in contemporary surgery - but rather that it stimulated and maintained these functions exactly as they might have been stimulated and maintained by the centers that command these functions in the human organism.

Part of what I write in this chapter about gliptolithic surgery I had the chance to talk about in the IV Congress of the Western Hemisphere, organized by the International College of Surgeons, that took place in Panama. I had the honor of giving a paper at this Congress by invitation of the then President of the International College of Surgeons, Dr. Esteban D. Roca, eminent Peruvian neurosurgeon, of whom I had the honor of being a student at the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos and of being a colleague of his in his medical practice in the Peruvian Seguro Social (Social Security Service).

The scenes that inform us about different phases of the transplant of the heart appear in a series of ten gliptoliths, dark in color, the majority of which are approximately one meter in diameter. The figures and symbols are engraved using the deep scoring technique and a certain relief in the background to give emphasis to the figures (See Figs. 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56 and 57).

FIGURE 48: The donor of the heart to be transplanted is found alive on the operating table with an incision in the abdomen through which the surgeon has inserted his hands and is touching the patient's heart. The complex system of electronic apparati suggested symbolically by the triangular segment full of rhomb-shaped figures under the patient's neck is controlling the biological functions. The assistant surgeon bears a receptacle holding the medical instruments, symbolically drawn.
FIGURE 49: The donor of the heart is dead. This is symbolically expressed through the absence of the operating table and the system of complex electronic apparati that controlled his biological functions.


FIGURE 50: The heart that is to be transplanted is being prepared for irrigation with the blood of a pregnant woman. Notice that the large vessels have been severed. The vessels that irrigate the heart, drawn on purpose over its surface, will be connected to the irrigating mechanism (the connection can be seen in Fig. 40).
FIGURE 51: The individual who is to receive the transplant of the heart lies on the operating table. The surgeon readies himself to make an incision in the abdomen to extract the heart that is to be replaced. The triangular segment full of rhomb-shaped figures under the neck of patient indicates that his biological functions are being stimulated and controlled, so that he will not die.

FIGURE 52: The instant at which the individual two is to receive the heart transplant is having his heart removed. Notice that despite the fact that he has been left without a heart, he continues to be subject to the stimulus and control of his biological functions, judging by the triangle full of rhomb-shaped figures under his neck. This is explainable if it is understood that the complex system of electronic apparati that stimulates and controls the biological functions of the individual is also in charge of maintaining the circulation of the blood. The individual is thus alive, as can be confirmed by the leaf - a symbol of life - that can be seen under the operating table.
FIGURE 53: The heart of the donor is being irrigated with the blood of a pregnant woman and is at the point of being transplanted. Despite the fact that the receptor of the transplant does not have a heart his biological functions are maintained through the action of the complex system of electronic apparati, judging by the triangle full of rhomb-like figures that appear under his neck.


FIGURE 54: The heart is being transplanted and is being irrigated with the blood of a pregnant woman.
FIGURE 55: The heart has been transplanted and one of the surgeons sutures the wound with an instrument powered by electronic energy that cones from the apparati that can be seen in the upper part of the picture. This apparati has two branches: one for the suture and the other as a ground wire. The apparatus that the surgeon has in his hand that is connected with the mouth of the patient represents symbolically the oral administration of the anti-rejection hormone.


FIGURE 56: The surgeon has confirmed that the heart that has just' been transplanted is functioning, using an instrument that symbolically suggests a stethoscope. The leaf - symbol of life - that appears under the operating table also confirms this. The figure connected to the mouth of the patient indicates that he is receiving a nutrient. The absence of a triangle full of rhomb-like figures that appeared under the patientís neck, reveals that the patient does not need the complex system of electronic apparati that stimulate and control the biological functions to keep it alive.
FIGURE 57: The surgical operation has finished. This is manifest in the fact that in this scene, different from all the others in the series, the internal organs of the patient have not been shown. The heart transplant has thus been a success. The symbol of the anti-rejection hormone connected to the mouth of the patient probably expresses the need to keep administering it orally in the post-operation phase. The biological functions of the individual will continue to be stimulated and controlled for a time, as is revealed by the triangle full of rhomb-like figures under his neck.


In different parts of the world, trepanated cranea of ancient man have been found, that have led us to suppose that these men fed themselves on brains or that perhaps the trepanation was performed for ritual or shamanistic reasons or to cure various mental illnesses. But, since in the graves of ancient Peru, in addition to trepanated cranea, metal cutting instruments such as the tumi, scalpels, chisels, separators and pincers have been found, (made of the metal called champi: an alloy of gold, silver and copper), this would lead us to suspect that the Incas and the Pre-Incan civilizations had advanced knowledge of surgical techniques, anatomy and neurophysiology, that allowed them to trepanate the cranium to intervene in the brain.

When I spoke of other materials used by the gliptolithic humanity to leave messages I mentioned gold. I mentioned that this metal was used initially in the form of tablets, and afterwards in the form of different objects, and that one of these was the tumis of gold with inlays of precious stones. I also mentioned that these tumis, made of the hard metal called champi, were made by the gliptolithic humanity, and I would like to add that all the instruments made of this metal, (scalpels, chisels, separators, pincers, etc.), belonged to this humanity.

Through excavations performed in Inca and Pre-Inca tombs - and especially in the tombs of the Paracas culture - cranea with holes have been found, and some have been found with gold and silver plates covering the holes or with fragments of squash gourds. Many of the cranea reveal that the process of bone healing has taken place and that the individual has survived the trepanation.

Contemporary surgery trepanates the cranium with the purpose of diagnosing and treating illnesses in the bones of the cranium or of the organs contained in the cranial cavity. To obtain these objectives there is an extremely advanced body of knowledge dealing with the structure and functions of the brain, of the membranes that cover it, of the liquid contained in the cranial cavity and of the bones that make up the cranium. There are also advanced surgical techniques that are facilitated by the use of specialized instruments, among which the electric saw to perform the trepanation and mechanical and electric instruments to manipulate organs and cut and suture blood vessels are indispensable. To this must be added the use of anesthetics that are scarcely toxic and that permit an extension of the length of the operation so necessary for operations of the brain.

The Inca and Pre-Inca cultures were very far from obtaining even mediocre scientific and technological process in general, and even less in this specialized field of neurosurgery. Consequently, the trepanations that occurred, if they had some surgical significance, were never more than simply operations of the bone, possibly to repair damage done to the cranial cavity. To affirm that these openings in the cranea were made to provide access to the brain tissues would thus be absurd. It is well known that contemporary humanity, (of which these civilizations were a part more than three thousand years ago), has only in this century acquired the necessary knowledge to investigate the brain tissue scientifically. It is most probable that the trepanations trade by Inca and Pre-Inca civilizations were performed to cure bone fractures that resulted from warfare or accident, or for shamanistic purposes to cure unknown ailments (migraine headaches, mental diseases, etc.), based in the curious idea that the cause of these illnesses was the lodging of evil spirits within the cranial cavity.

The tumis made of gold and champi, inlayed with precious stones, were made by the gliptolithic humanity with the purpose of leaving surgical information on them. They do not contain scenes of surgical operations.

On the gold turns with inlayed precious stones, the upper part - consisting in some cases of a human figure and in others of simply a head, but in both cases with ornaments and filigree - contains the information inscribed in figures and symbols. The lower part has the shape of a cutting instrument. As this cutting instrument appears as a symbol of one of the surgical instruments used in the surgical scenes found on the gliptoliths (Fig. 44), in the tumi it reappears in order to indicate that the information on this instrument is of a surgical nature. The tumi is not, then, one of the surgical instruments that the gliptolithic humanity used, it would not be a very good instrument to use because of the ornaments and filigree. The obsidian tumis were made by the Inca and Pre-Inca civilizations, but simply as replicas of the gold and champi tumis of the gliptolithic humanity, which they must have found by having access to the deposits of gliptolithic materials. The obsidian tumis do not, however, have the ornaments or the human figures; they are made simply as replicas of the cutting instrument, protected on the upper part by a wooden handle tied to it with chord. This makes me think that the tumis made by the Inca and Pre-Inca civilizations were cutting instruments, unlike the tumis that the gliptolithic civilization made. It is possible that these are the instruments with which the simply trepanations to which I have referred were performed. The tumis of the gliptolithic humanity must have ended as much of the testimony left by the gliptolithic culture has: the Inca and Pre-Inca civilizations could not imagine what these instruments contained scientific information. But, since the tumis signified the presence of earlier being that these civilizations could not see, they thought these beings were gods. This is why I am inclined to think that the aforementioned trepanations must have been, in some cases, ceremonial practices to honor those gods, and in others methods to cure illness through the divine intervention that the turn symbolized.

That the golden tumis with precious stone inlays contain information symbolically inscribed on them is something that modern archaeology has never suspected. This is because the different pieces that exist are spread out in the hands of collectors and museums all over the world. They are collected mainly as artistic objects. Just like the gliptoliths, these tumis form series. Unfortunately, the ignorance as to what they signify and the fact that they are so dispersed limits access to these series, which when studied together could facilitate their interpretation and allow us to benefit from the knowledge they possess.

By the study that I have made of one golden tumi with precious stone inlays, I have been able to obtain the information left by the gliptolithic culture on it regarding the menstrual cycle of the woman. So that the description and interpretation of the symbols and figures may be more easily understood, I will briefly refer to the menstrual cycle of the woman.

During a certain period, in one of the ovaries of a woman, an ovum natures. Initially, the ovi are ready to begin their process of maturation. Each one is housed inside a protective cover known as the Graaf follicle. Inside the follicle the ovum is surrounded by a liquid which is known as the follicular liquid. But it is only one ovum which will nature during the fourteen days. The maturation of the ovum is activated by folliculine, a hormone that is secreted during this time period by the cells of the Graaf follicle. The mature ovum separates from its follicle and is picked up by the Eustachian tube. At this point, and for approximately six days, if the ovum finds the spermatozoid, it will be fertilized. The follicle that once protected the ovum will be transformed into what is known as the yellow substance and will produce progesterone, a hormone that encourages the growth of the uterine membrane so that it may receive the fertilized ovum and proceed with the gestation. But, if the mature ovum does not encounter a spermatozoid, then several days afterwards it will destroy itself. The destroyed ovum will then be eliminated with the uterine membrane; the elimination of the uterine membrane occurs twenty-eight days after the process of maturation of the ovum has begun. The elimination of the uterine membrane causes the menstrual hemorrhage. After this period of twenty-eight days a new process of maturation of a new ovum begins. This process, that occurs periodically in the ovary, to cause the maturation of an ovum so that it may be fertilized or eliminated, is known as the menstrual cycle of the woman. The menstrual hemorrhage occurs normally at the end of the twenty-eight days of the process and normally lasts five days. The fertilization of the ovum may occur from the middle of the cycle to six days afterwards. However, if the spermatozoid was deposited no more than two days before the middle of the cycle, it can remain alive until the moment that the nature ovum separates from the follicle and can fertilize it.

The tumi to which I am referring describes with figures and symbols the menstrual cycle of the woman. On the forehead of the human figure there is a semicircular helmet that is nothing more than the representation of a microscopic view of the tissue of the ovary (5 in Fig. 58). The eight small circles that appear on it represent eight Graaf follicles, just as they appear in the microscope (6 in Fig. 58). The point that can be seen in each one of these is an ovum that is about to begin the process of maturation (remember that only one of the ovi is going to mature), and the zone surrounding it is the follicular liquid. The ring of tiny balls that surround the ovum is the set of cells that lines the walls of the follicle, that, as is known, secrete folliculine during the first fourteen days of the cycle to activate the maturation of the ovum. Surrounding the upper part of the helmet there is a zig≠zagging filament (4 in Fig. 58). If the vertices of the filament are observed, those facing upwards as well as those facing downward, we will see that the filament forms pyramids, fourteen with their vertices pointing upwards and fourteen pointing downward. Since in gliptolithic symbology the pyramid is a captor, accumulator and distributor of energy, we can conclude that the twenty-eight pyramids symbolically express the different levels of energy that   the ovary during the menstrual cycle that is twenty-eight days long. Furthermore, the fact that fourteen pyramids have been presented pointing upwards and fourteen downward, can only indicate that at the end of the first fourteen days of the menstrual cycle the ovum has finished its   process of maturation and is ready to be fertilized by the spermatozoid, and that if it is not fertilized, another fourteen days will pass before the process of maturation will begin anew. Above the filament of pyramids there is a ring of ten circular filaments, whose centers are arranged inward in pairs as if they were looking at each other (2 in Fig. 38). Each one of these filaments with curved ends is the schematic representation of the shape which the fetus adopts in the uterine cavity. Since they are ten in number, it indicates that if the ovum was fertilized the period of gestation would last for ten months of twenty-eight days each (36). Above the whole helmet a border made up of thirty-three little balls (1 in Fig. 58). This indicates that after the menstrual cycle of twenty-eight days there will be a period of five days maximum of flow of blood which, as is known, is normal. Finally another symbol inserted on both sides of the face can be seen. This is the expanded figure of the ovum in its Graaf follicle, ready to begin the process of maturation. Their size, in relation to the ovi that appear in the upper part of the tumi, and the fact that there are two of them, allows me to deduce that the ovaries of this woman are capable of producing ovi, that is, they are functioning normally (this capacity does not mean that both, ovaries produce ovi for the same menstrual cycle; it is well known that only one does it, whichever of the two). As concerns the rectangular precious stones that can be seen on the forehead, the neck and the trunk of the woman, I think they are extragliptolithic elements, added by the Inca or Pre-Inca civilizations as a consequence of the fact that they could not understand the tumis of their predecessorsí remote gliptolithic humanity.

FIGURE 58: A golden tumi with inlayed precious stones. Like those made of champi (a very hard alloy of gold, silver and copper), the
golden tumis were made by the gliptolithic humanity with the purpose of transmitting surgical information. The figures and symbols of this
tumi bear information about the menstrual cycle of the woman. This tumi is part of a series dealing with surgical pathologies of the ovaries.
They have been found in the Precolumbian tombs of Peru, but they do not belong to the men of these cultures, belong to the gliptolithic humanity.

The menstrual cycle of the woman is a normal process that can nevertheless be disturbed through the advent of benign or malign tumors in the ovaries. In these cases, therapy requires surgery. The turn whose symbols inform us about the menstrual cycle of the woman is part of a series of tumis dealing with the surgical pathologies of the ovaries as a consequence of the presence of tumors. My studies of this series will be released in another publication.



(36) In accordance to the gliptolithic humanity calendar, the year was divided in 13 tenths of 28 days each, making a total of 364 days. This information is found represented in a gliptolith. Its reading and interpretation is being explained in Chapter VIII.